Thursday, December 07, 2006

Introduction
    Though it may seem simple and common place, the French butter croissant has an interesting history and represents a whole culture of culinary ideas. There are several reasons behind choosing the croissant as the food I wish to present. First of all, I was eating a croissant in a cafe in Montreal Quebec when I was thinking about what topic I was going to present. I began to think about how much I have enjoyed the croissant since I was a young boy and since that age I have been constantly comparing croissants I come across to find the best ones. My father has always been a huge influence on me when it comes to food and rightfully so. My father is a professional French chef from France and is just remarkably talented in both his artistic and historical knowledge of foods. Simply put, his recipe is in the top two contending for best croissant i have tasted. My other contender for favorite croissant was found at a patisserie found in a small French village on the Mediterranean named Collioure. I lived in Collioure for three months a few years ago and became friends with the baker, who had snatched my loyalty to his shop by providing me with some of the most delicious croissants I have ever tasted. The final deciding factor was the history and the symbol of nationality the croissant represents which I will discuss later in this paper.
    First I will cover a brief history French culinary arts followed by the mythology and history of the croissant. A short explanation of the recipe will follow and I will end on some final thoughts on the croissant.
   
Origins of French Cuisine
    The conception of French culinary arts can be attributed to Italy and the start of the renaissance period. The rebirth of philosophy and art during the renaissance did not exclude food as a source of pleasure, entertainment and sophistication. The Italians began fashioning dishes which served to provide an element of entertainment, and pushed the preparation of food to new levels of convention. Food was no longer presented as simply a means to satisfy a hungry belly, rather the entertainment value was emphasized. Pastas become more complex, layered lasagnas and meaty rich ravioli while decorative garnishes and previously idle ingredients were coming to life in this new era of cooking.
    It was not until 1540’s when Catherine de Medici, arrived in France and changed the way the French would view food. Catherine de Medici was to eventually to become the wife of King Henri II, a position which had a permanent influence on French culture. Catherine de Medici brought with her to France, an entourage of chefs from Florence skilled in the are of Italian cuisine. Catherine Medici also brought with her the notion that food would become entertainment, almost like that of theater.
    This revolution of food as an art form erupted on a grand scale in France, influencing style and technique used in cooking, pastries, breads, appetizers and desserts. The use of courses rather then serving the whole meal is put into practice. Courses prevent food from getting cold and also add extra value to the entertainment factor of the food presentation. The specialization of chefs also happens along with the instruments they use for creating different dishes.
    The French revolution brought with it a move from fancy French foods being solely for royalty to the plate of regular citizens. It is at the time of the revolution that chefs begin opening restaurants to bring the culinary arts to anyone looking to enjoy what was once only fit for a King and Queen.
    Foods were named according to their style or ingredients, such as the soups which could consist of; consommés, pottage's, cremes, and veloutes. Subcategories of these areas are defined by the choice of ingredients which were used. Finally in the 1950’s, chefs began to redefine cooking with a style known as “nouvelle cuisine”. This approach was more free in its preparations and were geared towards smaller portions so that these meals could be made at home. It is this legacy of cooking for which the French are known around the world for their culinary arts.

The Croissant
    The butter croissant is simply a crescent shaped pastry for which it is named after. It is often served alone with a coffee for breakfast, but it is not uncommon to find it being used for sandwiches. There are variations of the croissant, one of the more popular is the chocolate croissant which more often than not is not in the shape of a crescent at all. A good croissant will have a crusty flaky exterior while having a light, air pocket filled interior. As food is a major aspect of culture, it is important to recognize that the croissant, though simple is easy to recognize and it is almost certainly common knowledge what country this pastry represents. Not only does the croissant represent a whole culture, it also has an interesting past which is not so common to the every day pastry buff.

History and Mythology
    The story of the croissant are based both on historical and mythological origins. Though the croissant has a solid historic background in France, a more fantastic tale of the origins of the croissant is found throughout the literature written on the subject.
    The first story takes place in Vienna Austria in the year 1683. At this time The Turkish empire had Austria under siege and were growing tiered of waiting and had decided to act against the Ottoman at Vienna. The bakers of Vienna were up late baking in their underground kitchens so that the bread would be ready by morning. The Turks had decided to dig a tunnel under the city’s wall in order to gain entrance and sack Vienna. The bakers working underground had heard strange noises and alerted the city guard, thus repelling the Turkish attempt at a sneak attack and saving the city.
    The bakers were heroes and were thanked for their duty to the city. The bakers had decided to bake a bread in commemoration to their victory, a bread which took the shape of the crescent moon found on the Turkish flag. It is said that one hundred years later, Marie Antoinette, who married king Louis XVI, had brought with her the croissant which she introduced to France.
    It is unclear if this story holds any truth or is simply an amassing tale to bring some mythology into the history of food. What is known, is that the croissant was brought to popularity by the French and is now a French national product.
    The history of the French croissant is relatively short and not quite as exciting as that of the siege of Vienna. The first recorded entry of the croissant in French cooking literature can be found in a book published in 1853, titled “Des Substance Alimentaires”. Ten years later, the croissant appears again  in the literature, however these forms of croissant were not similar to those of which are known today. It is not until 1906 when reference of the true French croissant is mentioned in Colombie’s Nouvelle Encyclopedie culinaire. It is these butter croissants with their flaky pastry which have become one of the many symbols to represent France and its heritage of fine cuisine.

Recipe
    The recipe I used to make the croissants for class is my fathers own recipe, since he works from his head, I decided to use a recipe from the famous Wolfgang Puck. The process he uses takes about 6 hours, however I have found that best results are to either leave the shaped croissant overnight to rise a little more, this gives them an added fluffiness which I enjoy. Here is the recipe:

Ingredients:
1 pound all-purpose flour
4 Tbsp sugar
1 tsp salt
1/2 ounce fresh yeast (or 1 Tbsp dry)
1-1/4 cups milk
12 ounces unsalted butter, at room temperature
1 egg, lightly beaten, for egg wash

Instructions:
Using the dough hook of an electric mixer, combine flour, sugar, and salt in the bowl.

Dissolve the yeast in 1 cup lukewarm milk. Add to the flour mixture, together with the remaining milk, and mix until dough forms a ball.

Remove dough hook. Cover bowl with plastic wrap and allow dough to rest for 1 or 1-1/2 hours, until double in bulk. Punch down the dough and refrigerate it, covered, for 30 minutes.

Mold the butter into a block. Remove the dough from the refrigerator. Cut a deep cross in the dough. Spread out the sections of dough so that the center is the thickest part. Roll it in opposite directions to form a four-leaf clover, keeping the center thicker. Place the block of butter diagonally in the center of the cloverleaf and bring the edges of the dough to the center, enclosing the butter completely. Wrap tightly in plastic wrap and chill for 1 hour.

To make the turns, place the chilled dough on a lightly floured surface. Pound lightly and evenly with your rolling pin to make the dough malleable. Roll out into a rectangle approximately 9 by 16 inches. With the 9-inch side in front of you, fold into thirds, starting with the bottom third and folding over the top third. You have now completed the first turn. Turn the dough so that the narrow end faces you, keeping the seam on your right (a quarter turn). Again, roll out the dough into a rectangle approximately 9 by 16 inches, and again fold into thirds. You have now completed two turns. Wrap in plastic wrap and refrigerate for 30 minutes.

Pound the dough evenly and again roll out into a 9-by-16-inch rectangle. Complete two more turns to make four turns. Wrap in plastic wrap and refrigerate for 50 to 60 minutes.

Preheat oven to 400°F (205°C) .

Roll out dough into two rectangles 1/6 inch thick. Cut into triangles and shape into crescents. Put them on a baking sheet and allow to rise for 20 minutes.

Brush each croissant with egg wash and bake for 15 minutes, or until golden brown.
Yield: Makes 24 croissants

Conclusion
    The croissant is a symbol of French culture, proud of their rich tradition in the art of cooking. Historically, the croissant has a noble tale, one which celebrates victory or a reminder of the defeat of foes. To most people the croissant will start off their day as a light snack before they head off to work or school. What is important is that we slow down once in while and enjoy eating these delicious pastries simply because they have been made for our pleasure.

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Published by ceeb: 10:28 PM Updated On: 12/7/2006 at 10:55 PM

Thursday, December 07, 2006

Introduction
    The purpose of this paper is to exam the question of ‘the individual’ versus the ‘collective’ through the works of John Locke, Adam Smith and Raymond Williams and to determine the key distinctions they express. The first three sections of this paper will discuss Locke, Smith and Williams individually, focussing mainly on their ideas regarding the individual and the collective. Following the review of Locke, Smith, and Williams, I will continue with brief critique followed by some final thoughts.
    There are several things to keep in mind in order to understand the positions Locke, Smith and Williams take on their works. First, It would be appropriate to gather the context to which the three articles are being applied. Aspects of society concerning the rights of the individual versus the rights of the collective were viewed much differently during Locke and Smith’s respected periods, as our ideas and notions have been built upon theirs and many other contributors of social thought. Care must be taken to examine the mindset of the times otherwise a conflict of thought processes can and will cloud the original ideas attested by Locke and Smith. An example of this adaptation of thought through later social ideals will be considered during a discussion of Raymond Williams work on the “Individual”, “society” and “class”.

John Locke - Locke on Property
    Locke’s reasoning of individual property rights consider the notion that earth was given to Adam and Noah by God and therefore to man in his entirety. It is when the idea of personal property is questioned, that Locke examines the moment to which property becomes personal rather than those of the collective as a whole. The relationship to property is formed when an individuals labor is applied to the means of acquiring said property, thus according to Locke it is the right of man to lay claim to property if his labor has been applied towards its ownership. Locke’s rational considers the basic idea of subsistence as quoted,
 
“He that is nourished by the acorns he picked up under an oak, or the apples he gathered from the trees in the wood, has certainly appropriated them to himself. No body can deny but the nourishment is his. I ask then, when did they begin to be his? when he digested? or when he eat? or when he boiled? or when he brought them home? or when he picked them up? and it is plain, if the first gathering made them not his, nothing else could.”
 

    The example of subsistence is chosen to illustrate private property as all people can relate to the need of subsistence to survive. It is the labor used to gather subsistence which Locke determines is the means to separate the property of an individual from that of the commons. Locke also implies that there are limits to private property. Property should not go to waste or spoilage as God’s intention was not to waste his creation, but rather to enjoy it. Waste is in essence almost worse than the lack of labor in the first place, for it is labor which has been cast away.
    Locke also suggests that labor increases the value that of which is given to us by God. Private property is the individuals means to value of labor. A right to private property allows the individual to give himself the opportunity to achieve a level of satisfaction separate from the rest of the populace, while at the same time providing a check upon the amount of property a man could indulge without it going to waste. A conclusion to Locke’s argument as he states, “what portion a man carved to himself, was easily seen; and it was useless, as well as dishonest, to carve himself too much, or take more than he needed”.

Adam Smith - The Division of Labour
    Adam Smith and his amalgamation of mercantile prospects and the improvement of labor and society,as to coincide with the separation of governmental control from those of the economy, make up the basis for the division of labor. Smith understands the the processes of labor as an accumulation of smaller tasks performed by specialized workers, even simple items such as a shirt or a pin go through numerous phases of production, passing through many hands. Individuals through the specialization of labour and the ability to trade that labour (earnings or products), provide themselves with the capacity to improve their place in society. The division of labour provides a relative level of opportunity to exceed a standard of living previously unattainable by the common peasant, as seen by Smith, “the accommodation of a European prince does not always so much exceed that of an industrious and frugal peasant as the accommodation of the latter exceeds that of many an African king, the absolute master of the lives and liberties of ten thousand naked savages.”
    The individual is guided by his own self-interests where labour is certainly provided but to meet the benefits of his own ends. It seems as if the self-interest of improving ones position of wealth can only be obtained through the capacity of the collective to strive for the same goal. Smith describes the benefits of the individual-societal relationship,
 
“Every individual is continually exerting himself to find out the most advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command. It is his own advantage, indeed, and not that of the society, which he has in view. But the study of his own advantage naturally, or rather necessarily, leads him to prefer that employment which is most advantageous to the society.... “.

    Smith describes the state as having useless and harmful laws regarding the import or foreign products rather than producing such products within the state. The idea of creating a product at a higher cost than which can be purchased elsewhere does only harm to the wealth of a nation. This leads Smith to “laisser faire” economics, where the individuals idea of value will decide the market prices rather than rules imposed by the state. The purpose of the state is to provide three things according to Smith: 1. protection from violence and other states, 2. the protection of all individuals from injustice through the institute of law, 3. establishing public works funded by the whole of society rather than few individuals who may not benefit as such. The three points which are laid out by Smith provide the government with a purpose while allowing the economic system to govern itself through the self-interest of the individual.

Raymond Williams - The “Individual”, “Society” and “Class”
    Williams discusses the how the individual has related to society throughout history as seen by other philosophers. Though Williams comments on many philosophers, it is his marxist perspective which will be examined in regards to the individual, society and class. Williams argues that within modern industrialized society there is a distinction between the individual and the society which can be felt. There is no doubt that our individual goals and perceptions of the world are much different than those of the society as a whole. Williams describes society as cold, harsh and meaningless compared to the warmth of our individual homes and families, exemplifying a marxist perspective of the divide between community and the alienation of society towards the individual.
    “Class” is described by Williams as a middle term used to define the area between the individual and the society. A ‘class’ is a separate social entity than that of the community and is not an association through social bonds but rather, is an abstract distinction within society as Williams describes in the following,
 
“Marx argued that by their common membership of a particular class, men will think and act in certain common ways even though they do not belong to the same actual communities, and that the processes of 'society' are in fact best understood in terms of the interaction of these classes.”

    ‘The individual’ and ‘society’ are now abutted by ‘class’ as a means of society to organize individuals into separate organizations without the need for physical relationships with one-another. Williams holds the nineteenth century introduction of ‘class ‘ as a distinguishing factor between previous thought and organization of ‘the individual’ and ‘society’, and the thoughts of those to whom persist.

Comparison of Locke, Smith and Williams: Perception of the ‘Individual’ and ‘collective’
    The relationship between ‘the individual’ and ‘collective’ has changed over time through the thoughts and ideas of social philosophers and reflect the social and economic circumstances of the time to which they were conceived. Each of Locke, Smith and Williams comments seem to build upon each other, expanding but also contributing their own relationships as they see the individuals purpose in the society.
    Locke places the relationship of the individual on private property as a means to labour. This relationship or private property and labour allow the individual to distinguish his fruits of labour from that of the collective, separate from those of the commons. The individual is gaining his individuality from the rest of the collective through private property.
    Smith continues on the idea of individuality as a means to benefit the whole of the collective. Through the division of labour, Smith provides an economic environment free of governmental control to which the individual is free to increase his wealth and position in society. As the individual is given the ability to determine what market prices are fair, the market is naturally augmented to suit the maximum profit as this is what the individual strives for in order to benefit his position. The function of the market is based on the transactions of the individual while free from governmental control, in turn the freedom of the individual to choose what is best for himself within the market benefits the collective as a whole.
    Williams expresses a marxist perspective which differs in terms of ‘the individual’ and ‘the collective’’ from those of Locke and Smith. Williams discusses the increased separation of the individual from the collective in an industrialized society. The transformation from individuality to the generic faceless concept of the ‘class’ within a collective has separated the individual and collective thought into two separate perspectives which exist at the same time.
    The individual has gone from insignificant to a master of his own fate within the collective through Locke and Smith and back into the realm of insignificance in the lime light of a marxist perspective. Though Locke, Smith and Williams have based their view of the individuals relationship differently to each other, they are all based on the economic status of the individual and the common need to collectively work towards bettering our individual existence.

Conclusion
    John Locke, Adam Smith and Raymond Williams have produced three instances of the individual and his relationship to the collective through the social philosophies produced during their experiences of their life times. Each instance reflects an economic construct to which they have based their ideas. Though the collective guides the lives of the individual, it is the labour of the individual which benefits the collective.
 

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Published by ceeb: 10:16 PM Updated On: 12/7/2006 at 10:54 PM

Tuesday, December 06, 2005

    Simply put, the study of music and its cultural implications from an anthropological perspective is know as ethnomusicology.  The field of ethnomusicology has been until recent years, an area often found outside of anthropology departments.  Musicology was often the more substantial method to studying and interpreting music, however it maintains a very limited perspective based on classical western notions.  As anthropologists know, placing ethnocentric boundaries on cultures does not provide a realistic understanding to that of which we intend to study.  The study of art, is often thought of as being physical and tangible objects, which is why music has been somewhat problematic in past ethnographic studies (MacClancy, 2002).  Although there are often instruments which can be examined or physically examined for its craftsmanship, these instruments are simply the tools used in creating music, without the performer the instruments do not play themselves.  The manner in which an instrument is played is as much dependent on the skill of the musician as it is their understanding of the cultural message they which to convey (MacClancy, 2002).  It is the performances and relationships between the musicians, music, participants and spectators which separate an ethnomusicologist from the limited interpretations of musicologists (MacClancy, 2002). 
   
    John M. Chernoff is an ethnomusicologist who has spent most of his time focusing on African music.  Rhythmic and percussion instruments are at the heart of his focus, which reflects his own personal interest and participation in music as a drummer (Glasco, 1981).  His involvement in African music goes beyond that of anthropologists of the passive persuasion, rather, Chernoff has been a student to the master drummers of Dagomba found in northern Ghana (Glasco, 1981).  By participating for over a decade as an able Dagomba performer, Chernoff has put himself in a position which best suits the purpose of an ethnomusicologist, as an interpreter of culture through music.
   
    Drawing from his experience as a musician, Chernoff has somewhat changed the way ethnography is normally conducted.  Rather than study African people, Chernoff has become the student and is learning from the Africans and their teachings (Glasco, 1981).   Perhaps those best suited to study music and culture are those who do more than simply stand in the background watching and listening.
   
    My first impressions upon reading Chernoff’s work, was the ease in which his writing flowed from one idea to the next.  After reading several pieces of Chernoff’s work, it becomes apparent that the fluidity of his writing was a secondary bonus when compared to the vast and in-depth understanding he presents when discussing his particular views of ethnomusicology.  Aside from actually partaking in a discussion with John Chernoff, the best means in presenting his ideas and contributions to the field of ethnomusicology, is to examine several of his pieces of written work.  In doing so, for the purpose of this paper, I would like to examine several articles which will help to provide, not only a stronger understanding of ethnomusicology, but to understand the thought processes in which an ethnographer must deal with throughout a career in anthropology.  I have selected six articles by John M. Chernoff from which I will base my analysis: The Rhythmic Medium in African Music, Basic Conga Drum Rhythms in African-American Musical Styles, Ideas of Culture and the Challenges of Music, Music of the Dagomba of Ghana [Review], In Sorcery’s Shadow: A Memoir of Apprenticeship Among the Songhay of Niger [Review], Dried Millet Breaking: Time, Words, and Song in the Woi Epic of the Kepelle [Review], and one review critiquing Chernoff’s book, African Rhythm and African Sensibility: Aesthetics and Social Action in African Musical Idioms [Review] by Laurence Glasco.  Each of the previously mentioned articles will be briefly reviewed, followed by some commentary on Chernoff’s ideas.  Some final thoughts regarding ethnomusicology and the contributions of John M. Chernoff will finnish up the paper.
   

The Articles:
The Rhythmic Medium in African Music:
    The Rhythmic Medium in African Music, was published in 1991 under the Journal, New Literary History.  Chernoff explains that his paper is about the nature of rhythmic medium in African music, that is, the conditions and exchange of participatory actions between performers and spectators.  In order to better understand these interactions between performers and spectators of African music, Chernoff divides his analysis into two contextual theories.  The first of his theories is understanding the importance of physically observing a musical performance. As Chernoff states in his article, “we are considering the aesthetic effect of rhythm in an art that exists, not an art that can or should be” (Chernoff, 1991).  This idea of  observation is redundant throughout much of Chernoff’s work, especially in his arguments towards the over imaginative interpretations of musicologist (MacClancy, 2002).  The second theory suggested by Chernoff, is concerned with the specific cultural orientation of African rhythms and how those rhythms are organized into several fundamental principals involved in the participation of both the musicians and spectators (Chernoff, 1991).  Chernoff explains that the degree of participation from African spectators and the musicians are in a delicate balance (Chernoff, 1991).  The musicians must provide ample room for spectators to participate in within the rhythms they create, without losing the tension need to keep the aesthetics of the rhythmic medium (Chernoff, 1991).  What keeps the rhythms interesting and evolving in order to avoid stagnation in the music, is the pressure which the musicians attempt to put on each other in order to test their ability to keep a focused perspective (Chernoff, 1991).  The balance between the musician and the participation of the spectators is the ultimate goal (Chernoff, 1991).
   
    It is understandable why Chernoff emphasizes the importance of physically observing a performance.  To comprehend the interactions between performers and spectators while listening to an audio recording or analyzing sheet music, would be very difficult indeed.  if we consider the the fact that these African performances follow guidelines but are often improvised in nature, further supports Chernoff’s argument.  Often when reading ethnographic material, it seems almost impractical to take what is written as absolute truth.  The importance of witnessing events and people in person has a lot more to offer than can be written down and examined out of its original physical context.

Basic Conga Drum Rhythms in African-American Musical Styles:
    The article Basic Conga Drum Rhythms in African-American Musical Styles, was collaboratively written between Hafiz Shabazz Farel Johnson and John M. Chernoff as an introduction to the rhythmic styles of African-American music (Johnson & Chernoff. 1991).  Johnson and Chernoff begin by explaining that all though there are different means by which music can be separated into “styles”, they have chosen to focus on rhythmic elements (Johnson & Chernoff. 1991).  The approach to this article seems based more on personal experience with music and rhythm, or as Johnson and Chernoff contest, “Our qualifications for generalizing about these very complex styles stand on more than fifty years, experience between us, learning, playing, performing, and teaching drumming” (1991).  The article does provide and easy model to those interested in understanding African-American popular music, with little to no musical experience, however at first glance I felt like the approach taken by Johnson and Chernoff was very limited and tremendously over generalized.  As I continued to read, the article became more of a guide to musicians and music lovers, rather than an ethnographic account of North-American Popular culture.  Several examples of drum rhythms were given in their basic form and used to help conclude with the following ideas.  The first is that basic rhythms make up the foundations of what can be played, and second, that supporting rhythms make up the feelings and add texture to the base rhythms (Johnson & Chernoff. 1991).

    The simplicity of this article was undoubtedly increased by Chernoff’s style of explaining complex ideas, however, I felt that perhaps the article should have considered a more complex analysis as I know the author is quite capable of conveying more thought provoking ideas.

Ideas of Culture and the Challenge of Music:
    Ideas of Culture and the Challenge of Music, is an article by John M. Chernoff taken from a collection works compiled by Jeremy MacClancy in his book, Exotic No More: Anthropology on the Front Lines (2002).  Chernoff’s article introduces the study of ethnomusicology, the challenges music has presented in the study of culture and some of the positions Chernoff takes concerning the importance of ethnomusicology (MacClancy. 2002).  The first several pages of this article examine the idea of culture and how art, and more specifically, how music relates to it.  It is apparent from Chernoff’s discussion of culture, that he is not satisfied with a single simple definition of what culture represents.  Chernoff directs his argument against traditional western perspectives conveying art as being, “that which is thought to be furthest from necessities of life” MacClancy. 2002).  Chernoff explains this notion of art as an instance of  a “derived element of culture”, is based on the notion that art is a secondary function of culture and it is only when the basic needs of life, (food, water and shelter), are provided for, that art is used to enhance the framework of society (MacClancy. 2002).  Chernoff continues to explain that this narrow view of culture and art is the essence of Western dominance over the world, and during these times, anthropology did not come forward and challenge these ideals (MacClancy. 2002).  The point Chernoff is attempting to provide is, within the old frame work of anthropological study, music, unlike other physical art forms were not easily available to be studied (MacClancy. 2002).  It is not until modern times, that the availability of music on a global basis has been possible (MacClancy. 2002).
 
    The change from the study of musicology to that of ethnomusicology is justified by Chernoff as he explains that, “it is not possible to understand a piece of non-Western music from a score or a recording” (MacClancy. 2002).  This idea of misunderstanding non-Western music from a musicological perspective makes perfect sense when dealing with an improvised aspect of music, however, improvisations can be based on social or situational references, something which will not be found in written musical notations (MacClancy. 2002).  This has every bit to do with the increase in global mobility.  As more and more people are introduced to the music of the world, the more people have the ability to challenge the statements of others and their views of music (MacClancy. 2002).  The availability of world music has created a move away from musicology and its elitist perspective towards ethnomusicology (MacClancy. 2002).  The next review will give us an insight into how care must be taken when portraying another cultures music.

Music of the Dagomba Ghana:
    Music of the Dagomba of Ghana, is a recording by Verna Gillis, David Moises Perez Martinez and accompanied by notes by Jacqueline Cogdell DjeDje, which Chernoff, from the severity of his review, could not help but write.  This review not only gives us an impression of how severe Chernoff can be, it also provides a fine example of the expertise he posses concerning African music.  The opening statement by Chernoff in this review sets the tone of his disappointment immediately, “it is unfortunate that a great musical tradition should be represented by this record” (Chernoff. 1984).  From poor recording quality, to the erroneous notes provided by Ms. DjeDje, Chernoff lays down the lawn concerning the problems this record in a manner that is laughable due to the harshness of his tone (Chernoff. 184).  Chernoff even consults the local drumming elders and confirms his suspicions that this album was recorded in no more than a short visit (Chernoff. 1984).  Chernoff does end his complaint about this record with a good point saying, “this kind of irresponsibility has no place in a collaborative world where Western students of the Third World are struggling to overcome the colonial legacy of bad faith” (Chernoff. 1984).  This recording has obviously struck a nerve or two, but Chernoff has good reason to point out the problems of this recording as it does encourage a lack of respect and “bad faith” .

In Sorcery’s Shadow: A Memoir of Apprenticeship Among the Songhay of Niger:
    The book In Sorcery’s Shadow, by Paul Stoller and Cheryl Olkes has found Mr. Chernoff is a much more pleasant tone during his review.  The book is about Stoller’s nine year apprenticeship as a sorcerer with the Songhay of Niger (Chernoff. 1988).  There is immediately a link between the experiences of Stroller being taught by the Songhay and Chernoff’s belief of witnessing and experiencing ethnographic events first hand.  Along with this sense of experience and physically taking part in events, Chernoff has a fascination with combining personal interactions with people and factual information normally considered in an ethnographic account as this statement suggests, “to me, Stroller’s focus on the people he knew is an essential complement to the book’s topical focus on sorcery” (Chernoff. 1988).  The idea of becoming a part of the cultural process is something Chernoff can relate to in Stroller’s memoirs, and is reflected in his drumming experience with the Dagomba (Glasco. 1981, Chernoff. 1988).

Dried Millet Breaking: Time, Words, and Song in the Woi Epic of the Kpelle:
    The review of Ruth M. Stone’s book, Dried Millet Breaking, provides yet another confirmation to Chernoff’s feelings towards the complexities of culture (Chernoff. 1989).  Stone’s account of an epic performance by the Kpelle culture is managed in a  very detailed manner, however, Chernoff makes the following comment regarding the outcome of Stone’s work, “Others may feel the need for a text that uses the epic as a wide-angle lens to portray Kpelle culture; the epic, however, does not lend itself to a comprehensive set of analogies that wrap the Kpelle up into a tidy package, and therein lies much of its attraction” (Chernoff. 1989).  The complexities of music as an art form and as a cultural device is made apparent through the writings of Chernoff, and I feel this is an important aspect to acknowledge, as it is very easy to over simplify when attempting to answer questions of an ultimately complex nature.

Final Thoughts:
    John M. Chernoff has presented several ideas such as, the importance of physical experience when attempting to understand music and its cultural significance, and his persistent views on the complexities of culture and how this aspect should be embraced rather than simplified.  Although many of these ideas may not be original to his own, they do provide a clear a defining distinction between the study of music through the elitist perspective of musicology and the now evident importance of culture and music through the study of ethnomusicology.  Chernoff’s wealth of knowledge and experience in the study of African rhythm and aesthetics, are only magnified by his ability to clearly portray complex ideas without losing his authoritative stance.  This authority which can be found throughout all of Mr. Chernoff’s work makes him an effective force in teaching others about ethnography in practice, and to some degree would make for either an enlightening or frightening personal encounter, depending on the circumstance as we have seen earlier in this paper.

    Regardless if you are interested in African rhythmic music or not, if you are an anthropologist and a lover of music, John M. Chernoff will provide you with an insightful view of the ethnology of music through his years of first hand experiencing of what is it to make music.

Bibliography:

Chernoff, John M. 1988. In Sorcery’s Shadow: AMemoir of Apprenticeship among the Songhay         of Niger [Review]. American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 90, No. 3 (Sep., 1988),         p.716.

Chernoff, John M. 1984. Music of the Dagomba of Ghana [Review]. Ethnomusicology, Vol. 28,         No. 1 (Jan., 1984), p.165-166.

Chernoff John M. 1989. Dried Millet Breaking: Time, Words, and Song in the Woi Epic of the         Kpelle [Review]. American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 91, No. 3 (Sep., 1989),         p.816-817.

Chernoff, John M. 1991. The Rhythmic Medium in African Music. New Literary History, Vol.         22, No. 4, Papers from the Commonwealth Center for Literary and Cultural Change         (Autumn, 1991), p.1093-1102.

Glascco, Laurencce. 1981. African Rhythm and African Sensibility: Aesthetics and Social Action         in African Musical Idioms [Review]. The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 66, No. 3         (Autumn, 1981), p.257-258.

Johnson, Hafiz S. F., John M. Chernoff. 1991. Basic Conga Drum Rhythms in Africcan-            American Musical Styles. Black Music Research Journal, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Spring, 1991),         p.55-73.

MacClancy, Jeremy., Ed. 2002. Exotic No More: Anthropology on the Front Lines., Ideas of         Culture and the Challenges of Music, by John Chernoff. The Unversity of Chicago Press.     p.377-398.

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Tags:Music, sex Published by ceeb: 10:49 PM

Tuesday, December 06, 2005

    While excavating at the Lawson site, London, Ontario, over 4,000 individual artifacts had been recovered from two one-by-one meter squares by archaeologists Ellen Brown and Sebastian Herrerias.  Each square was carefully excavated by trowel in arbitrary 10 cm layers resulting with an approximate total depth of 65 cm for both squares.  All soil collected from each layer were either screened through a tripod and collected manually by Ms. Brown and Mr. Herrerias or were subjected to floatation in order to collect fine materials and carbonized plant remains.

    During the course of excavations, on October 21st, 2005, Ms. Brown and Mr. Herrerias had uncovered a bone awl in square 410-505 sub-square 17 at an approximate depth between 41 and 50 cm down from the ground surface. The bone awl was located 71 cm North by 51 cm East in situ (North refers to Site-North on the grid reference).  Along with this bone awl were numerous other artifacts including chipping detritus, unidentified animal bone and teeth fragments, pottery sherd fragments including fragmentary, body and rim sherds.  Other artifacts were also found in situ along with the bone awl most notably a large decorated pottery rim sherd located 98 cm North by 72 cm East and another smaller bone awl located 78 cm North by 41 cm East.

    The larger of the two bone awls is approximately 76 mm in length and is most likely fashion from a butchered or discarded deer bone.  The deer bone is fragmented from a long bone and have been reworked and manipulated by human intervention into a conical piercing point at one of its ends.  There are several styles of bone awls have been used as vague classifiers but are not standard in North American archaeology.  Some forms of classification are based on the animal from which the awl is made from, whether or not the joint at one end of the awl fully or partially remains, or if the awl is made from a fragmentary bone splinter with little or no other modification other than the sharpened tip (Bell R. E.,1980).  The bone awl discovered in square 410-505 sub-square 17, fits into the splintered bone category as it shows very little modification other than the pointed tip.

    The bone awls were used as perforators for puncturing holes in skins and leather so they could be sewn into clothing garments or other woven materials (Bell R. E.,1980; Mason R. J., 2002).  Bone awls often become polished from extended use and handling and contact with leathers and skins however, the bone awl in question does not show explicit signs of polishing and therefore was not likely used extensively (Bell R. E.,1980).
    Since the location of square 410-505 sub-square 17, has been determined to be a midden or refuse dump site, it is likely the bone awl was discarded by its user after short use as it is not particularly fashioned well and as stated before, shows little sign of polishing.  Since the bone awl is not a good identifier for period dating or cultural group affiliation it cannot be one hundred percent certain of its origins without further analysis of the deer bone.  It is likely, given the circumstances and other associated artifacts found at the Lawson site that this bone awl was indeed used by the inhabitants of the site.

    As stated earlier in the description of the bone awls use, it is likely that the awl indicates the fabrication of woven garments and materials most likely occurred at the Lawson site as well as deer hunting for subsistence and tool manufacturing.  Because the awl was found in a midden along with thousands of other artifacts, it is possible to determine that long-term occupation or at least semi-sedentism was practiced at the Lawson site.

    If the bone awl were to be displayed in the Lawson site museum it would be best to provide other examples of bone awls and other bone tools along with it.  Though functional this particular awl from square 410-505 sub-square 17, is rather homely and would surly not represent bone tool fabrication modestly.  In the interests of exemplifying to the public the breadth of bone tool fabrication, an assemblage selected of more visually pleasing bone tools and awls would improve the publics’ perception on native tool work. The following caption might be provided along with the bone tool assemblage:

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Tags:archaeology, sex Published by ceeb: 10:34 PM

Tuesday, December 06, 2005

    Remote sensing and non-invasive archaeology techniques have become important tools for archaeologists working in rescue archaeology and cultural resource management (CRM).  Ground-penetrating radar is one such technique, which has improved data collection on archaeological sites while limiting the need for more destructive and time-consuming excavation techniques.
    This paper will briefly cover what ground-penetrating radar is, how it works and the data, which it can provide to archaeologists. 

What is Ground Penetrating Radar?

    Ground-penetrating radar (GPR) is a geophysical technique that has become widely accepted and used in the field by archaeologist.  GPR’s ability to detect and reproduce an echoed image of subsurface ground composition and unique anomalies provides archaeologist with valuable data, which can later be analyzed and interpreted by digital post-processing (Garrison, 2003).
    GPR devices consist of a radar antenna housed in a box, usually made of wood or fiberglass. The box housing is will either be dragged across the ground surface like a sled or mounted on wheels suspended just above the ground (Conyers & Goodman, 1997; Conyers, 2004).  Data is collected as the GPR unit is pulled across the ground surface over predetermined grid lines, which denote the area that is being surveyed.  Depending on the design of the GPR unit, signals can be transmitted continuously or at different distance intervals.  The closer the distance between each signal the greater the detail of the map will be however the amount of time it takes to survey an area will increase ground (Conyers & Goodman, 1997; Conyers, 2004; Garrison, 2003).

How Does GPR Work?

    GPR works by sending high-frequency electromagnetic radio pulses down into the earths subsurface and records the time it takes for the reflections of these pulses to return to the surface.  Geological materials possess distinctive electromagnetic properties that reflect the radar pulses at different rates.  The reflection rate or travel time (tt), is recorded by the GPR device as it moves over the ground surface.  When the tt and signal strength are plotted, an image of the subsurface and any geophysical anomalies present will become visible ground (Conyers & Goodman, 1997; Conyers, 2004; Garrison, 2003).
 
Figure 1

    The radar frequency emitted will determine the depth and resolution expected from the GPR device (Coyers & Goodman, 1997).  GPR antennas range in bandwidth between 10 MHz and 1000 MHz of energy.  For general archaeological purposes radar signal strength tends to range between 400-500 MHz as this provides clear images of up to 5 m depths, since most sites (with exceptions) tend not to exceed these depths (ground (Garrison, 2003).
 
Figure 2

Digital Post-Processing GPR Data

    Computers have helped increase the usefulness of GPR data recovered from site surveys.  With the use of imaging software, GPR readings can be manipulated through filtering, background noise removal, and single strength gain to increase the clarity of the image (Garrison, 2003).
 
Figure 3

    Once the GPR data has been filtered it can be analyzed by several methods including: two-dimensional simulations (figure 1.), three-dimensional topographic maps (figure 2.), three-dimensional surface view colour renderings (figure 3.), and amplitude anomaly slices (figure 4.) to name a few (Conyers & Goodman, 1997; Conyers, 2004; Garrison, 2003).
Once the data is rendered in the preferred format, archaeologist can analyze the data and search for archaeological anomalies such as: unmarked burials, settlement foundations, human built structures or artifact concentrations ground (Conyers & Goodman,1997; Conyers,2004).
 
Figure 4

Conclusion

    The uses of remote sensing techniques such as ground-penetrating radar have become very useful tools to field archaeologist.  The ability to view beneath the surface of potential archaeological sites can help locate areas of importance, prevent unnecessary destruction of the archaeological record and reduce the need for excavation of un-opportunistic areas.  All of the aforementioned are important in rescue archaeology and CRM as they are constrained by the limits of time and money.
 



Figures 1 through 4 were originally printed in Ground-Penetrating Radar: An Introduction for Archaeologists by Lawrence B. Conyers & Dean Goodman, 1997.

Bibliography

Conyers, Lawrence B.
    2004    Ground-Penetrating Radar for Archaeology. Altamira
    Press, USA.

Conyers, Lawrence B. & Dean Goodman
    1997    Ground-Penetrating Radar: An Introduction for
    Archaeologists. Altamira Press, USA.

Garrison, Ervan G.
    2003    Techniques in Archaeological Geology. Springer-Verlag,
    Germany..

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Tags:archaeology, school, sex, essay Published by ceeb: 10:29 PM